Seht zu dieser abstrusen “Birtherism“-Bewegung, die anscheinend ebenfalls vor allem in der Republikanischen Partei ihre Anhänger hat (wahrscheinlich nicht zuletzt gerade auch bei den Tea-Party-Politikern) unter anderem auch den Artikel vom 12.8.2013 mit dem Titel “Birtherism continues to plague the Republican Party” im US-amerikanischen Wochenmagazin “The Week“.
Einen recht ausführlichen und zusammenfassenden Artikel zu den Hintergründen des US-Haushaltsstreits vom 4.10.2013 mit dem Titel “Government shutdown: Why Boehner doesn’t overrule tea party faction” findet man in “The Christian Science Monitor“.
Der “Christian Science Monitor” (CSM) ist eine englischsprachige Tageszeitung. Außerhalb der USA erscheint die wöchentliche Ausgabe “Monitor World”. Der “Christian Science Monitor” (CSM) wird von der Christian Science Publishing Society in Boston herausgegeben.
In diesem Artikel vom 4.10.2013 mit dem Titel “Government shutdown: Why Boehner doesn’t overrule tea party faction” erfahren wir unter anderem: “To understand why House Speaker John Boehner has not just ended the government shutdown, now in its fourth day, by standing up to the tea party faction in his caucus, look no further than the highly skewed congressional districts those members represent.
The districts, and their representatives in Congress, are the product of one of the great Republican electoral successes of recent years, the midterm elections of 2010, when the tea party rose to prominence on a wave of antigovernment sentiment, especially opposition to President Obama’s signature health-care law.
Americans reelected President Obama in 2012 and trimmed Republican representation in both houses of Congress – an outcome that he and Democrats took as a national referendum on health-care reform. But the elections also solidified the hold of GOP conservatives on districts whose boundaries were redrawn by victorious Republicans after 2010.
Call it an alternate political universe. The new, bullet-proof GOP districts created voting blocs significantly at variance with the rest of the country, according to data released by David Wasserman, House editor of the Cook Political Report.
The hard-liners now facing off with Speaker Boehner over when and how to end the government shutdown largely are products of these districts.
Exhibit A is freshman Rep. Mark Meadows (R) of North Carolina, a real estate developer who easily won the seat formerly held by three-term Rep. Heath Schuler, a fiscally conservative Democrat who retired in 2012 after the GOP-controlled state legislature changed the district map to favor Republicans.
In August, Congressman Meadows circulated a letter urging Boehner and majority leader Eric Cantor (R) of Virginia to use any fight over the funding of government to insist on the defunding of Obamacare – a strategy proposed earlier in the summer by tea party Sens. Ted Cruz (R) of Texas and Mike Lee (R) of Utah.
The letter picked up 80 House GOP signatures, mainly from tea party-backed members from the South or Midwest. In these 80 districts, Republicans typically trounce Democrats in general elections, but are at constant risk of a challenge from the right.
By contrast, the estimated 20 caucus members now openly backing an end to the government shutdown, without conditions, represent districts where nearly half the voters voted for Obama in 2012.
While Obama defeated Mitt Romney by nearly 4 percentage points in the nation at large, Mr. Romney won by a landslide (23 percentage points) in the House districts represented by the 80 Republican hard-liners, according to an analysis of the Wasserman data by Ryan Lizza, in the New Yorker. Moreover, these lawmakers won their own seats by an average margin of victory of 34 points, he adds.
That’s why national polls signaling that the public is blaming Republicans for the shutdown have, to date, barely made a dent in these lawmakers’ support for a hard-line strategy.
Some 72 percent of Americans disapprove of a government shutdown over the Affordable Care Act, according to a new CBS News poll. Forty-four percent blame the Republicans and 35 percent blame Obama and the Democrats – unchanged from last week, when the poll asked who would be blamed if a shutdown occurred. (…).
Meanwhile, from 17 to 20 House Republicans are publicly urging Boehner to bring a clean stopgap spending bill (a CR or continuing resolution) to the floor that funds the government without conditions or changes to Obamacare, according to whip counts in the Huffington Post.
With the support of 200 Democrats, that would be enough to end the standoff and reopen the federal government.
Boehner pulled similar moves when he turned to Democrats for votes to pass the fiscal cliff deal that ended the last debt-limit crisis on Aug. 1, 2011, aid for the victims of Hurricane Sandy on Jan. 15, and the reauthorization of the violence against women act on Feb. 28 – legislation that most Republicans opposed.
But a break now with the hard-liners on what many see as the defining issue for the GOP-controlled House – their last chance to halt a big role for government in health care – could also mark the end of Boehner’s speakership”.
John Boehner ist also nach Ansicht von Gail Russell Chaddock (Politics Editor, Deputy Washington Bureau Chief des “Christian Science Monitor“) in diesem US-Haushaltsstreit aufgrund des Verhaltens der radikalen Tea-Party-Fraktion in der Republikanischen Partei tatsächlich in eine komplizierte Situation geraten, die ihn den Kopf kosten und möglicherweise die Republikanische Partei für die Zukunft deutlich schwächen könnte, falls sie außer Kontrolle gerät.